THEME :

The Berlin Conference 1884-1885: “The Partition of Africa Without Africa“

• Mr. Stefan Wintels, Chairman of the Board of KfW
• Prof. Dr. Horst Köhler, Former President of the Federal Republic of Germany
• Mrs. Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf, Former President of the Republic of Liberia
• Dear Juliana Lumumba, Former Minister of the Democratic Republic of Congo

Esteemed Organizers of this Event,

Ladies and Gentlemen, dear members of the press, distinguished guests in your respective ranks and titles,

Today, there is an urgent need for dialogue between Africa and Europe, and occasions such as this serve as crucial moments of discussion, even if not explicitly stated as such. That is why I would like to commend the organizers of this event and thank them for inviting me to share my views and convictions on the Berlin Conference of the late 19th century and its implications for Africa not only as a continent but also as an actor on the international stage.

Africa, with a land area of 30,370,000 km², is larger than Europe, China, and the United States combined. The continent possesses 60% of the world’s arable land, 90% of raw material reserves, and 40% of global gold reserves. Africa holds 33% of the world’s diamond reserves, 80% of the global coltan reserves a critical metal for electronics, especially in the Democratic Republic of Congo 60% of global cobalt reserves, which is essential for electric vehicle batteries. Africa is rich in oil, natural gas, manganese, iron, timber, and many other resources. The agricultural land in the Democratic Republic of Congo alone has the potential to feed all of Africa. Africa’s youth population is expected to reach 2.5 billion by 2050. Africa is the future of humanity. Yet, it is this vast and resource-rich continent that was divided and shared among foreign powers without consideration for the interests of Africans

Ladies and Gentlemen,

I am delighted to be in Germany, a country whose great thinkers have shaped European thought in general and the Enlightenment era in particular. I have drawn inspiration from Friedrich Hegel, Martin Heidegger, Edmund Husserl, Hannah Arendt, Arthur Schopenhauer, Karl Marx, Jürgen Habermas, Theodor Adorno, Leo Strauss, Karl Jaspers, and, of course, Immanuel Kant, whose philosophy I closely follow. I have had the opportunity to speak at German universities, participating in inter-university exchanges, and teaching in the past. It is in the spirit of this intellectual friendship that, as a Kantian, I invite us to reflect on the three fundamental questions that Kant’s philosophy sought to answer: WHAT CAN I KNOW hat can I know? What should I understand about the Berlin Conference? What am I allowed to hope for? In other words, what truly happened? What was discussed in Berlin?

I have many friends among you, and as a friend, I wish to be sincere and tell you the truth. Sincerity is the harmony between being and appearing, between inner truth and outward expression.
For Kant, insincerity arises from pretending to hold convictions one does not have even deceiving oneself about one’s own doubts while expecting others to feign belief.

Truth is defined as the alignment between judgment and reality. A proposition or theory is “true” when it corresponds to reality and can be verified by observation or experimentation. Here, the reality is undeniable. The facts are before us.

For us Africans, Berlin, this beautiful city, symbolizes the partition of Africa without Africa.

In Africa, before slavery, the lives of Africans were quite similar to those of the Europeans who later enslaved us. Some lived in large cities, others in small towns, and some in rural areas. Some were wealthy, others were poor…

What were the structures of African society?

Understanding these structures is essential to grasping the three main social orders that characterized African societies: Lineage systems, Chieftaincies et Hybrid states

For a long time, Africa remained a terra incognita, yet from the Homeric period (8th century BCE) to the time of Herodotus (5th century BCE), Africa was often perceived as a dark continent, even though it had established external contacts. All of this changed well before colonization. Colonization represented a shift rather than the initial integration of Africa into the European system, whose structure, though not fully stabilized at the time, was already relatively clear.

The fundamental question, viewed through the lens of Immanuel Kant’s philosophy, leads to one undeniable conclusion: The Berlin Conference led to the partition of Africa without Africans and the establishment of arbitrary borders between colonial territories borders that would later become sources of inter-ethnic and state conflicts.

In Berlin, Africa was both present and absent. It was present as a prize to be divided, with conditions set for its partition, yet absent from the decision-making process. Africa was at the heart of the conference without being a participant. The present and future of Africa were decided in Europe, here in Germany, without Africa and in Africa’s absence.The lack of African delegations at the Berlin Conference meant that African interests and perspectives were completely disregarded.

The Berlin Conference was intended to regulate colonization and trade in Africa to prevent conflicts among European powers, and to establish rules among Europeans for the recognition of territorial claims. The aftermath is well known. Africa was systematically invaded, despite the heroic resistance of its people.

What happened in Berlin between November 15, 1884, and February 26, 1885, would not have been as shocking and humanly unacceptable if it had not involved the fate of an entire continent and over 100 million people at the time, whose immediate, near, and future destinies were at stake. Berlin served as the stage for a disastrous plan—the European imperial and colonial project.

Afterwards, European imperialism brutally imposed itself on Africa, committing mass crimes and atrocities. This brutality was manifested through the rape of African women, Police violence, Massacres and deportation of resistance fighters, Crimes against humanity and acts of genocide.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Kant’s philosophy is generally understood as purely speculative. However, it is directly rooted in practical concerns and aims to solve real-world problems. Kant was deeply engaged in political matters. His major work, Critique of Pure Reason, is inseparable in its inspiration from the Critique of Practical Reason and the Metaphysics of Morals. It is through this last work that we will continue our reflection on the consequences of the Berlin Conference on the lives of Africans. What we seek is a sincere discussion about the Berlin Conference, an honest examination of colonial history, and the achievement of a shared understanding and collective memory even when the truth is difficult to accept. Only by doing so can we deepen the Africa-Europe partnership and shape a common future. To achieve this, we must tell the truth. During colonization, the vast majority of African peoples were deprived of their right to self-determination. Colonialism was a system fundamentally incompatible with the freedom of colonized peoples what Aimé Césaire called the “right to historical initiative“. Africa was subjected to domination, imposed through what the African philosopher Valentin-Yves Mudimbe, in his seminal work The Invention of Africa, referred to as “the colonial library“.

Europe was not only brutal toward Africa; it combined brutality with deception. It destabilized the continent while claiming to bring civilization, economic prosperity, and trade in a world it portrayed as progressing toward modernity. It sought to justify its crimes by assigning itself a so-called “civilizing mission.” Did Europe ignore that Africa is the cradle of ancient civilizations? Did it forget that, as Cheikh Anta Diop demonstrated, Africa placed humanity as a whole on the path to civilization.

In truth, to quote Aimé Césaire from Discourse on Colonialism, colonization meant: “Societies emptied of themselves, cultures trampled, institutions undermined, lands confiscated, religions murdered, artistic magnificence annihilated, extraordinary possibilities suppressed“. Césaire had the boldness of truth in his time, as he saw colonization as nothing more than dehumanization never a civilizing mission.

Frantz Fanon described colonialism as: “Violence in its natural state,” a “systematic negation of the other, a relentless determination to deny the other any attribute of humanity.”

We Africans have every reason to resent Europe, because one does not treat their neighbors with such cruelty as Europe did to Africa following the Berlin Conference. The ethics of responsibility, so dear to Max Weber, were completely absent from the actions of European policymakers, who were guilty of committing crimes against the African peoples.

Ladies and Gentlemen,The shock of the Berlin Conference compels us to reflect on Kant’s “Categorical Imperative,” which states: “Act only according to that maxim whereby you can at the same time will that it should become a universal law,” or, in another formulation: “Act as if the maxim of your action were to become through your will a universal law of nature.” Lies and deception become the very model of immorality, as the will contradicts itself. Conversely, moral action expresses practical reason—a regulative principle guided by non-contradiction and universal applicability. From this principle, Kant derives solutions to traditional moral dilemmas. It is crucial to understand that “respect” for moral law is inseparable from “human dignity.” Thus, the Categorical Imperative can be reformulated as follows: “Act in such a way that you treat humanity, both in your own person and in the person of every other, always at the same time as an end, never merely as a means.”The colonial past is a past that refuses to pass, because Africa still holds a vivid memory of it. African peoples are welcoming and respectful. But they remember the colonial crimes, and this memory shapes their relationship with Europe.Ironically, the colonial mindset still persists in many former colonial powers and continues to dictate their attitudes toward Africa. Régis Debray was right when he stated that European countries have removed the colonial helmet but retained a colonial mindset. Some former colonial powers still view Africa as their sphere of influence, and this is unacceptable for our generation of Africans today.

What has been unfolding at the United Nations Security Council for almost 80 years, despite Africa’s persistent calls for reform, is akin to a new Berlin Conference—where the great powers decide Africa’s fate without Africa’s presence and without considering African perspectives.

The status that Africa continues to hold on the international stage is, in part, a direct consequence of colonization and, therefore, the Berlin Conference. Africa remains the only continent in the world that is continuously manipulated from the outside and remains at the center of global competition and exploitation. But this is no longer the Africa we accept. Anyone seeking to build a genuine relationship with Africa but who fails to understand this reality is out of step with history and blind to the Africa that is emerging.

Our generation belongs to an Africa that has decided to reclaim its own history, to take control of its destiny, and to assert itself on the grand stage of universal history. From the Berlin Conference to the colonial occupation, from the era of independence movements to the end of apartheid in South Africa, and now to the present day, Africa has undergone a profound transformation. It has evolved from being what some considered a “dispossessed continent”—to borrow a term from German philosophy—to becoming a self-determined continent that, in alignment with the African Union’s Agenda 2063, now aims to act “as a strong, united, and influential global actor and partner.”

140 years after the Berlin Conference, Africa is determined to be at the center of its own decisions, to exercise self-determination, to speak for itself, and to make its voice heard on the international stage. The revival of the Pan-African ideal, both on the continent and among the African diaspora, must be understood in this very context.

Ladies and Gentlemen, Dear Friends and Participants, Let me be clear: our intention is not to put Europe on trial. As Africans, we recognize that we share a common humanity in the Kantian sense especially since Africa is the very cradle of humanity. But understand this:

Africa no longer wishes to align itself with any great power, no matter who they are. For too long, Africa has been viewed merely as a sphere of influence.
For some, Africa only becomes relevant I emphasize, for some, not all when external powers find themselves in difficulty. Today, Africa is not occupying the place it rightfully deserves on the global stage.

For some among you, Africa is not meant to play a major role as an autonomous actor on the international stage, in the Kantian sense of the term.

Since the Berlin Conference 140 years ago, great powers have continuously tried to reduce Africa to a purely instrumental entity, serving their own interests never wanting the continent to truly emerge as an independent force.

But today, please listen carefully.  What I am saying comes from a place of friendship.

Africa has awakened to its own responsibility. Africa is now speaking with a more unified voice than ever before. Africa wants to be itself it no longer wants to be manipulated.

Africa demands greater equality, respect, fairness, and justice in its relations and partnerships with the rest of the world. Today, Africans want to be true partners not subordinates on the global stage.

Africa expects a genuine partnership. To our allies, to those who wish to engage with us in good faith, without resentment, and with an open mind, you must make the effort to embrace this new spirit of partnership. Africa seeks cooperation based on its own well-defined interests just as you pursue yours. To achieve this, you must let go of outdated perceptions perceptions that, in large part, were forged here in Berlin.

Africa’s main priorities today in its relations with you and the rest of the world are Achieving better representation on the international stage. Seeking justice for colonial crimes and ensuring reparations, Recovering its cultural heritage, over 90% of which remains outside the continent, housed in major museums around the world, according to UNESCO figures. This is about seeking justice justice for what happened in Berlin.

We would like to commend the German people and government for their courage in confronting their history—both in general and specifically their colonial history.

Germany has engaged in honest and open discussions with some of its former colonies, including Namibia, and has taken the brave step of acknowledging and repairing the crimes committed. For this, I applaud you, and I ask the audience to do the same.

A final reminder before concluding

Our goal is not to dwell on the horrors of colonization and imperialism, though these crimes should rightfully be classified today as crimes against humanity and genocide. Instead, our primary goal is to shed light on a history that has long been ignored in narratives and education a history that centers on the victims, the scars that we, their descendants, still carry, and the current state of Africa, which was plundered, wounded, divided, and marginalized by centuries of exploitation and domination. It is not in our culture to nurture resentment or revenge. But reason demands that we remember the suffering endured and, above all, that we demand reparations for the harm and injustices committed. My generation firmly believes that some have not learned enough from the past and that some still entertain the idea of repeating history. True repentance means that those who divided and plundered Africa must go beyond symbolic gestures. I do not say that they should merely “help” Africa I say they must seriously finance its revival, help it restore its unity, and support its sustainable development.

With sincerity, friendship, and fraternity, and because I am here in Berlin—the very capital where Africa was carved up like a cake by the great powers—I want to speak this truth to you, in the light of Kant’s Categorical Imperative, which expresses the principle of humanity as follows: “Act in such a way that you treat humanity, whether in your own person or in the person of any other, always at the same time as an end, never merely as a means.” This principle has been the guiding thread of my speech today.

• No, we will no longer serve your interests at the expense of our countries, our continent, and our people. We seek to be reliable allies, not subordinates.
• No, we will no longer be manipulated by anyone.
• No, we will no longer be infantilized.

We want to remain ourselves, ourselves, and only ourselves within a framework of mutual respect and dignity.